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.[73] Pasquato, Spettacoli, 65; P.Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale à Antioche au Ⅳe siècle après J.-C.(Paris, 1955) 245.[74] L.Robert found that there were few references to gladiators in the inscriptions from this region, Les gladiateurs dans l’Orient grec (Paris, 1940) 241.[75] Frézouls, “Recherches sur les théâtres,” 85.[76] Libanius, Or.1.157.[77] Libanius, Or.19.25–8; Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale, 224; Chrysostom, De stat.16.1 (PG 49.161).[78] Libanius, Or.11.173.[79] Or.11.217.[80] The mosque and its courtyard became the center for political ceremonies, court trials, and education.See H.Kennedy, “From Polis to Madina, Urban Change in Late Antique and Early Islamic Syria,” Past & Present 106 (1985) 3–27, at 15–16.[81] C.Roueché, “Acclamations in the Later Roman Empire: New Evidence from Aphrodisias,” JRS 74 (1984) 181–99, at 183; Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 208–19 and Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale, 219–45.On first- and second-century acclamations, see Potter, “Performance, Power and Justice,” 144.[82] Harries, Law and Empire, 66.[83] See Roueché, “Acclamations,” 183–4, for a discussion of the various interpretations of theater claques.Cf.Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 212–17.[84] Libaniaus, Or.41.9.As Petit points out, this was probably the rhetor’s wishful thinking at work, Libanius et la vie municipale, 222–7.On the political importance of the theater assemblies, see Leyerle, Theatrical Shows, 36–41.[85] Roueché, “Acclamations,” 184.[86] Ibid., 197.[87] Potter, “Performance, Power and Justice,” 152–4.[88] Potter argues that the study of spectacles can provide a more nuanced view of Roman politics because it reveals that the aristocrats were not entirely dominant.See “Performance, Power and Justice,” 155–9.Cf.Lim, “In the ‘Temple of Laughter’,” 348.On the importance of the crowd’s approval in both pagan and Christian contexts, see J.Harries, “Favor Populi: Pagans, Christians and Public Entertainment in Late Antique Italy” in Bread and Circuses: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy, K.Jones and T.Cornell, eds.(London, 2003) 125–41.[89] Codex Theodosianus 1.16.6, cited in Harries, Law and Empire, 59.On acclamations, requests, and riots in Antioch, see Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 208–18; in Eastern cities: J.Colin, Les villes libres de l’Orient grec-romain et l’envoi au supplice par acclamations populaires, Collection Latomus 82 (Brussels, 1965); Alan Cameron, Circus Factions: Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium (Oxford, 1976) 157–92 and 271–96.[90] The pagan writer implies that Constantine’s desire for acclamations more than anything else motivated his establishment of a new capital, Eunapius, VP 462.[91] Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 209.[92] Amm.Marc.22.9.16.[93] Julian, Misopogon, 368C; Libanius, Or.18.195[94] See Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 215.[95] Libanius, Or.19.47; Amm.Marc.14.7.3–5.[96] Amm.Marc.14.7.6.[97] On food riots, see H.Kohn, Versorgungskrisen und Hungerrevolten im spätantiken Rom (Bonn, 1961).[98] Libanius, Or.19–23.See F.van de Paverd, St.John Chrysostom, the Homilies on the Statues: An Introduction (Rome, 1991) 38–106.[99] Chrysostom mentioned studying with Libanius in Ad Viduam 1.2 (PG 48.601) and attacked him in Liber in Sanctum Babylam 18–20 (PG 50.560–5).Cf.Sozomen, HE 8.2.[100] Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 37–8.On common rhetorical devices used by both pagan and Christian speakers, see R.Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century (Berkeley, 1983) 95–125; Paverd, Homilies on the Statues, 16–18.[101] Petit, Les étudiants de Libanius, 196.For Gregory of Nazianzus’ and Gregory of Nyssa’s connections with Libanius, see G.Nys., Ep.13 and 14; G.Naz., Ep.192 and 236.Cf.Theodoret’s correspondence with a pagan sophist, see Ep.17, 28, 44, 19, 20, 22.See also R.Van Dam, “Emperors, Bishops and Friends in Late Antique Cappadocia,” JThS 37 (1986) 53–76.[102] Amm.Marc.22.10.7.[103] On Christian acceptance of pagan education in the East, see W.Jaeger, Early Christianity and Greek Paideia (Cambridge, MA, 1961).The most famous example of ambivalence is Jerome’s dream about being an adherent to Cicero rather than Christ: Jerome, Ep.22.30; J.N.D.Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York, 1975) 41–4.[104] See book 4 of Augustine’s De doctrina Christiana, where he views eloquence as a neutral skill, regardless of its pagan past.[105] Roueché, “Acclamations,” 184.On the techniques by which these acclamations were recorded: ibid., 184–7; Lim, Public Disputation, 225.For examples of acclamations and the Church, see Harries, Law and Empire, 67–9.[106] Roueché, Performers and Partisans, 29; Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 217–18.[107] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 2.61.5.[108] Harries, Law and Empire, 68.[109] Chrysostom, De sac.5.8 (SC 272.302).[110] De sac.5.1 (SC 272.284).[111] Socrates, HE 6.2.T.Urbainczyk, “Vice and Advice in Socrates and Sozomen” in The Propaganda of Power: The Role of Panegyric in Late Antiquity, Mary Whitby, ed.(Leiden, 1998) 299–310.See also Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews, 101.[112] Sozomen, HE 8.18.[113] Ibid.; cf.Socrates, HE 6.16.On the role of the people in church controversies, see T.E.Gregory, Vox Populi: Popular Opinion and Violence in the Religious Controversies of the Fifth Century AD (Columbus, OH, 1979); M.-Y.Perrin, “A propos de la participation des fidèles aux controverses doctrinales dans l’Antiquité tardive: considérations introductives,” AntTard 9 (2001) 179–99.[114] For a comparison of preacher and orator, see Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews, 101–25 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.[73] Pasquato, Spettacoli, 65; P.Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale à Antioche au Ⅳe siècle après J.-C.(Paris, 1955) 245.[74] L.Robert found that there were few references to gladiators in the inscriptions from this region, Les gladiateurs dans l’Orient grec (Paris, 1940) 241.[75] Frézouls, “Recherches sur les théâtres,” 85.[76] Libanius, Or.1.157.[77] Libanius, Or.19.25–8; Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale, 224; Chrysostom, De stat.16.1 (PG 49.161).[78] Libanius, Or.11.173.[79] Or.11.217.[80] The mosque and its courtyard became the center for political ceremonies, court trials, and education.See H.Kennedy, “From Polis to Madina, Urban Change in Late Antique and Early Islamic Syria,” Past & Present 106 (1985) 3–27, at 15–16.[81] C.Roueché, “Acclamations in the Later Roman Empire: New Evidence from Aphrodisias,” JRS 74 (1984) 181–99, at 183; Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 208–19 and Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale, 219–45.On first- and second-century acclamations, see Potter, “Performance, Power and Justice,” 144.[82] Harries, Law and Empire, 66.[83] See Roueché, “Acclamations,” 183–4, for a discussion of the various interpretations of theater claques.Cf.Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 212–17.[84] Libaniaus, Or.41.9.As Petit points out, this was probably the rhetor’s wishful thinking at work, Libanius et la vie municipale, 222–7.On the political importance of the theater assemblies, see Leyerle, Theatrical Shows, 36–41.[85] Roueché, “Acclamations,” 184.[86] Ibid., 197.[87] Potter, “Performance, Power and Justice,” 152–4.[88] Potter argues that the study of spectacles can provide a more nuanced view of Roman politics because it reveals that the aristocrats were not entirely dominant.See “Performance, Power and Justice,” 155–9.Cf.Lim, “In the ‘Temple of Laughter’,” 348.On the importance of the crowd’s approval in both pagan and Christian contexts, see J.Harries, “Favor Populi: Pagans, Christians and Public Entertainment in Late Antique Italy” in Bread and Circuses: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy, K.Jones and T.Cornell, eds.(London, 2003) 125–41.[89] Codex Theodosianus 1.16.6, cited in Harries, Law and Empire, 59.On acclamations, requests, and riots in Antioch, see Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 208–18; in Eastern cities: J.Colin, Les villes libres de l’Orient grec-romain et l’envoi au supplice par acclamations populaires, Collection Latomus 82 (Brussels, 1965); Alan Cameron, Circus Factions: Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium (Oxford, 1976) 157–92 and 271–96.[90] The pagan writer implies that Constantine’s desire for acclamations more than anything else motivated his establishment of a new capital, Eunapius, VP 462.[91] Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 209.[92] Amm.Marc.22.9.16.[93] Julian, Misopogon, 368C; Libanius, Or.18.195[94] See Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 215.[95] Libanius, Or.19.47; Amm.Marc.14.7.3–5.[96] Amm.Marc.14.7.6.[97] On food riots, see H.Kohn, Versorgungskrisen und Hungerrevolten im spätantiken Rom (Bonn, 1961).[98] Libanius, Or.19–23.See F.van de Paverd, St.John Chrysostom, the Homilies on the Statues: An Introduction (Rome, 1991) 38–106.[99] Chrysostom mentioned studying with Libanius in Ad Viduam 1.2 (PG 48.601) and attacked him in Liber in Sanctum Babylam 18–20 (PG 50.560–5).Cf.Sozomen, HE 8.2.[100] Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 37–8.On common rhetorical devices used by both pagan and Christian speakers, see R.Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century (Berkeley, 1983) 95–125; Paverd, Homilies on the Statues, 16–18.[101] Petit, Les étudiants de Libanius, 196.For Gregory of Nazianzus’ and Gregory of Nyssa’s connections with Libanius, see G.Nys., Ep.13 and 14; G.Naz., Ep.192 and 236.Cf.Theodoret’s correspondence with a pagan sophist, see Ep.17, 28, 44, 19, 20, 22.See also R.Van Dam, “Emperors, Bishops and Friends in Late Antique Cappadocia,” JThS 37 (1986) 53–76.[102] Amm.Marc.22.10.7.[103] On Christian acceptance of pagan education in the East, see W.Jaeger, Early Christianity and Greek Paideia (Cambridge, MA, 1961).The most famous example of ambivalence is Jerome’s dream about being an adherent to Cicero rather than Christ: Jerome, Ep.22.30; J.N.D.Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York, 1975) 41–4.[104] See book 4 of Augustine’s De doctrina Christiana, where he views eloquence as a neutral skill, regardless of its pagan past.[105] Roueché, “Acclamations,” 184.On the techniques by which these acclamations were recorded: ibid., 184–7; Lim, Public Disputation, 225.For examples of acclamations and the Church, see Harries, Law and Empire, 67–9.[106] Roueché, Performers and Partisans, 29; Liebeschuetz, Antioch, 217–18.[107] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 2.61.5.[108] Harries, Law and Empire, 68.[109] Chrysostom, De sac.5.8 (SC 272.302).[110] De sac.5.1 (SC 272.284).[111] Socrates, HE 6.2.T.Urbainczyk, “Vice and Advice in Socrates and Sozomen” in The Propaganda of Power: The Role of Panegyric in Late Antiquity, Mary Whitby, ed.(Leiden, 1998) 299–310.See also Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews, 101.[112] Sozomen, HE 8.18.[113] Ibid.; cf.Socrates, HE 6.16.On the role of the people in church controversies, see T.E.Gregory, Vox Populi: Popular Opinion and Violence in the Religious Controversies of the Fifth Century AD (Columbus, OH, 1979); M.-Y.Perrin, “A propos de la participation des fidèles aux controverses doctrinales dans l’Antiquité tardive: considérations introductives,” AntTard 9 (2001) 179–99.[114] For a comparison of preacher and orator, see Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews, 101–25 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]