[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
.Only Buchanan survived, to remain infirm and positively intimidatedby the Southerners who made up the 6 3 majority of his cabinetthroughout most of his administration.Although a disinterment of Tay-lor recently found no DNA poisoning evidence in his case, the fact thathe was dug up at all vividly demonstrates the continued vigor of theidea of a Slave Power Conspiracy a century and a half after its histori-cal demise.The ability of the Old South to control much of antebellum nationalpolitics, through the use of the clause in the Constitution that based rep-resentation in Congress on a count of the white population plus three-fifths of the Old South s slaves, led to the notion that there was a con-spiracy to deny the more populous North its fair share of nationalpower, which came to be seen as the Slave Power Conspiracy.But thereal key to the Old South s ability to control the government came fromits Northern allies, the dough faces, men who had disappeared by thetime of the congressional by-election of 1858 and presidential electionof 1860 in favor of Republicans.With them went an important politicalinfluence that led to Republican victory and boosted the Old South s in-terest in secession.By 1860, the Old South could still block much leg-islation, but it could no longer advance its program defending slaverybecause of the loss of its Northern allies.Ironically, with the end of slavery at the termination of the Civil War,and the counting of the African Americans as full persons, the NorthernINTRODUCTION " 15victory actually increased the native-born political power of the Southin Congress during Reconstruction and after.This meant that the ex-panded black vote became necessary to the North as a loyal, anti whiteDemocrat, pro-Republican counterforce on the Southern scene.To theNew South, black enfranchisement was something to be curtailed, butthe increased representation counted just as it had under the Three-Fifths Clause before the war.It took to the 1890s before that goal wasfully accomplished, and the North gave up on trying to reconstruct theSouth until 60 years into the 20th century.THE POLITICS OF THE OLD SOUTH OUTSIDE THE UNION:THE CHIVALRYThe Cooperators and their political opponents in the Old South, thechivalry or the Secessionists, essentially agreed on each state s exis-tence as a sovereign entity.Within its borders, a state had full controlof its domestic institutions, in this case, slavery.Where they disagreedwas what to do if the North challenged the extraterritorial rights ofslavery outside state boundaries, in the rest of the United States and itsterritories.Unlike the Cooperators, the chivalry were quick to threaten to sun-der the Union if the North did not play by Southern rules.Secession-ists believed that eventually the faster growth of the free, white, non-slaveholding population in the North and West would cause them tooutvote the Old South in the nation as a whole.The chivalry doubtedthe North s dedication to the Constitution as a slaveholders document,that is, as it was written.Yankees would use the necessary and properclause of the Constitution (art.I, sect.8, clause 18) to get around allprohibitions.Why wait for the inevitable?Even before the Constitution was ratified, the Old South threatenedto play the disunion card.No matter what the Federalist Papers prom-ised, it was obvious that the Constitution of 1787 was going to allow thecentral government much more power than had the Articles of Confed-eration of 1781.The preambles said it all.The Constitution began, Wethe People of the United States. The Articles had opened, We the un-dersigned delegates of the state. The Old South wanted certain consti-tutional and legislative guarantees as regarded its peculiar institution16 " INTRODUCTIONthat would exempt slavery from possible adverse effects of the powerchange.Among these guarantees were a two-thirds vote confirming treatiesto protect the agricultural South from the trading and industrializingNorth; the counting of three-fifths of all other persons for representa-tion and, at the North s insistence, direct taxation; the extraterritorialityof slavery through the fugitive clause, later extended to the territories byway of the Ninth and Tenth Amendments in the Bill of Rights; the guar-antee of the international slave trade until 1 January 1808; equality ofrepresentation of the states in the new upper house of Congress, theSenate (the Articles had had a unicameral congress with each state hav-ing one vote); and later, the move of the national capital to a slave statein exchange for the Funding and Assumption of Revolutionary Wardebts on behalf of Yankee bankers and investors.The terms were simple and openly stated by delegates from Georgiaand South Carolina [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.Only Buchanan survived, to remain infirm and positively intimidatedby the Southerners who made up the 6 3 majority of his cabinetthroughout most of his administration.Although a disinterment of Tay-lor recently found no DNA poisoning evidence in his case, the fact thathe was dug up at all vividly demonstrates the continued vigor of theidea of a Slave Power Conspiracy a century and a half after its histori-cal demise.The ability of the Old South to control much of antebellum nationalpolitics, through the use of the clause in the Constitution that based rep-resentation in Congress on a count of the white population plus three-fifths of the Old South s slaves, led to the notion that there was a con-spiracy to deny the more populous North its fair share of nationalpower, which came to be seen as the Slave Power Conspiracy.But thereal key to the Old South s ability to control the government came fromits Northern allies, the dough faces, men who had disappeared by thetime of the congressional by-election of 1858 and presidential electionof 1860 in favor of Republicans.With them went an important politicalinfluence that led to Republican victory and boosted the Old South s in-terest in secession.By 1860, the Old South could still block much leg-islation, but it could no longer advance its program defending slaverybecause of the loss of its Northern allies.Ironically, with the end of slavery at the termination of the Civil War,and the counting of the African Americans as full persons, the NorthernINTRODUCTION " 15victory actually increased the native-born political power of the Southin Congress during Reconstruction and after.This meant that the ex-panded black vote became necessary to the North as a loyal, anti whiteDemocrat, pro-Republican counterforce on the Southern scene.To theNew South, black enfranchisement was something to be curtailed, butthe increased representation counted just as it had under the Three-Fifths Clause before the war.It took to the 1890s before that goal wasfully accomplished, and the North gave up on trying to reconstruct theSouth until 60 years into the 20th century.THE POLITICS OF THE OLD SOUTH OUTSIDE THE UNION:THE CHIVALRYThe Cooperators and their political opponents in the Old South, thechivalry or the Secessionists, essentially agreed on each state s exis-tence as a sovereign entity.Within its borders, a state had full controlof its domestic institutions, in this case, slavery.Where they disagreedwas what to do if the North challenged the extraterritorial rights ofslavery outside state boundaries, in the rest of the United States and itsterritories.Unlike the Cooperators, the chivalry were quick to threaten to sun-der the Union if the North did not play by Southern rules.Secession-ists believed that eventually the faster growth of the free, white, non-slaveholding population in the North and West would cause them tooutvote the Old South in the nation as a whole.The chivalry doubtedthe North s dedication to the Constitution as a slaveholders document,that is, as it was written.Yankees would use the necessary and properclause of the Constitution (art.I, sect.8, clause 18) to get around allprohibitions.Why wait for the inevitable?Even before the Constitution was ratified, the Old South threatenedto play the disunion card.No matter what the Federalist Papers prom-ised, it was obvious that the Constitution of 1787 was going to allow thecentral government much more power than had the Articles of Confed-eration of 1781.The preambles said it all.The Constitution began, Wethe People of the United States. The Articles had opened, We the un-dersigned delegates of the state. The Old South wanted certain consti-tutional and legislative guarantees as regarded its peculiar institution16 " INTRODUCTIONthat would exempt slavery from possible adverse effects of the powerchange.Among these guarantees were a two-thirds vote confirming treatiesto protect the agricultural South from the trading and industrializingNorth; the counting of three-fifths of all other persons for representa-tion and, at the North s insistence, direct taxation; the extraterritorialityof slavery through the fugitive clause, later extended to the territories byway of the Ninth and Tenth Amendments in the Bill of Rights; the guar-antee of the international slave trade until 1 January 1808; equality ofrepresentation of the states in the new upper house of Congress, theSenate (the Articles had had a unicameral congress with each state hav-ing one vote); and later, the move of the national capital to a slave statein exchange for the Funding and Assumption of Revolutionary Wardebts on behalf of Yankee bankers and investors.The terms were simple and openly stated by delegates from Georgiaand South Carolina [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]