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.On the other hand, very manyexperiences force us to believe. ³p These first references to magical practicescoincide with the beginnings of the pastoral movement and the emergenceof the new genre of confession manuals described in Chapter 6, and itseems to have been this intellectual climate that first aroused the canonistsinterest in magical practices.²x Licet Innocens dixerit propter maleficium nullum matrimonium esse separandum;cuius oppositio communiter reprobatur per capitulum Si per sortiarias, xxxiii.q.i.Et contraeum concordant Tancredus, Vincentius, Goffredus, Vn [I have not been able to identify thiscanonist] et Ioannes Andreae. Johannes de Garzionibus, gloss to X 4.15.6, BL MS Arundel423, 19ra b.On the date of this commentary see Forshall, Catalogue, 120.²y Brundage, Law, 485.³p videntur tamen canones dicere, talia non esse credenda.ceterum plurima nos adcredendum experimenta compellunt. Bernard of Pavia, Summa Decretalium, ed.E.A.T.Laspeyres (Ratisbon, 1860), 176. Canon Law, 1200 1400 123As described above, many references to magical practices occurred whencanonists discussed whether magic could ever cause permanent impotence.Huguccio had made a general statement that most spells could be lifted, butthis gradually gave way to a more detailed and nuanced picture.Geoffrey ofTrani s statement, quoted above, that an impotence spell could not be lifted if something has been given to eat or drink, or the magician has died, or themagic [object] has been lost, or the magician does not know how to destroyit reflects a new awareness that not all magical practices worked in the sameway, or had the same results.Geoffrey s list also seems to reflect what heknew of real magical practices, because it agrees with other sources thatclaim to be describing real cases of magic.In the 1160s, the theologianMaster Odo told of a case where the magic object was lost and so the couplecould not be cured.³¹ Moreover, in the 1250s the theologians ThomasAquinas and Bonaventure also said that not all impotence spells could belifted, and they claimed that they had learned this from the confessions ofthe magicians themselves.The reference to magic being given in food ordrink also corresponds with magical practices found in other sources.Earlymedieval penitentials contained many references to men being bewitchedby food or drink, and although these were usually designed to stimulate loverather than cause impotence, people may have tried to reduce sexual desirein similar ways.In this instance, the penitentials seem to be reflecting realpractices: in early fourteenth-century Montaillou, Béatrice de Planissolesconfessed to keeping her daughter s first menses to make a love potion whenthe daughter got married.³²In another passage quoted above, Bernard of Montemirat agreed withGeoffrey that some magical practices could cause permanent impotence,but he mentioned a different set of practices to make his point.His refer-ences to hiding magical items in the earth or casting them into fire or waterdo not seem to feature in earlier canon law commentaries, but parallels forthem exist in other sources, such as the lock cast into a well mentioned in theconfession manual of Thomas of Chobham.The Pantegni said that itemsmight be hidden under the door in the couple s house, and the theologianHenry of Ghent agreed in 1280 that people could be bewitched by a tile³¹ See Ch.4, n.51.³² F.W.H.Wasserschleben (ed.), Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle,1851), 153, 180; Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, trans.Barbara Bray (London:Scolar Press, 1978), 32. 124 Canon Law, 1200 1400 placed in a certain place.³³ Thus Geoffrey and Bernard s lists are likely toreflect real magical practices, although neither writer indicated where he hadheard about them.Roffredus of Benevento also listed what seem to be real practices, butthey were designed to cure impotence rather than cause it:The bewitched man should not run to enchanters or diviners, so that they canuse their medicines or incantations.And I have heard that many women do this.They make their bewitched husband hold his trousers on his head for a wholeday and night; or they take a piece of cheese and perforate it with a bore and theygive the husband what they collect from the perforation to eat; or each of themmay take their belts and tie them and put them in the open air overnight; or theymake the poor man stand naked all night under a stole when the weather is fair,or similar things.³tInstead of these practices, Roffredus told couples to follow the advice ofSi per sortiarias and go to confession, pray, give alms, and fast.I have foundno parallels for these cures in contemporary written sources, but several ofthem appear in later folklore.The trousers-on-head cure was not quite asridiculous as it sounds, since in later folklore wearing clothing inside outwas a common way of curing illness, on the principle that inverting thenormal way of doing things would produce a special effect.³u Piercing thecheese has an obvious phallic symbolism, as do many protective measuresagainst the evil eye.³v The use of the cheese may also be linked to long-standing associations in folklore between cheese, fertility, and protection³³ Pantegni: see Appendix 1.Henry of Ghent: see Ch.8, n.52.³t non currat maleficiatus ad incantatores seu divinatores ut faciant medicinas suas siveincantationes.Et audivi multas sic facientes, que faciunt illum maritellum sic maleficiatumtenere serabulas suas per totam diem et noctem in capite; vel habent peciam casei et cumterebello [edition: trebello] perforant caseum et quod colligitur ex illa perforatura dant sibicomedere; vel accipiunt corrigiam utriusque et ligant illos et ponunt in nocte sub divo; velfaciunt illum miserum stare nudum tota nocte sub stola [edition: stella] aliqua quandotempus est serenum; vel faciunt similia. Roffredus Beneventanus, Libelli Iuris Canonici(Avignon, 1500), repr.in Corpus Glossatorum Juris Civilis 6 (Turin: Ex OfficinaErasmiana, 1968), 352; trebello corrected to terebello and stella to stola frommanuscripts Troyes, Bibliothèque Municipale 456, 91v and BN MS lat.4248, 9v.³u Stephen Wilson, The Magical Universe: Everyday Ritual and Magic in Pre-ModernEurope (London: Hambledon Press, 2000), 347.³v Alan Dundes, Wet and Dry, the Evil Eye: an Essay in Indo-European and SemiticWorld-View , in Alan Dundes (ed.), The Evil Eye: a Casebook (New York: Garland,1981), 264 [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.On the other hand, very manyexperiences force us to believe. ³p These first references to magical practicescoincide with the beginnings of the pastoral movement and the emergenceof the new genre of confession manuals described in Chapter 6, and itseems to have been this intellectual climate that first aroused the canonistsinterest in magical practices.²x Licet Innocens dixerit propter maleficium nullum matrimonium esse separandum;cuius oppositio communiter reprobatur per capitulum Si per sortiarias, xxxiii.q.i.Et contraeum concordant Tancredus, Vincentius, Goffredus, Vn [I have not been able to identify thiscanonist] et Ioannes Andreae. Johannes de Garzionibus, gloss to X 4.15.6, BL MS Arundel423, 19ra b.On the date of this commentary see Forshall, Catalogue, 120.²y Brundage, Law, 485.³p videntur tamen canones dicere, talia non esse credenda.ceterum plurima nos adcredendum experimenta compellunt. Bernard of Pavia, Summa Decretalium, ed.E.A.T.Laspeyres (Ratisbon, 1860), 176. Canon Law, 1200 1400 123As described above, many references to magical practices occurred whencanonists discussed whether magic could ever cause permanent impotence.Huguccio had made a general statement that most spells could be lifted, butthis gradually gave way to a more detailed and nuanced picture.Geoffrey ofTrani s statement, quoted above, that an impotence spell could not be lifted if something has been given to eat or drink, or the magician has died, or themagic [object] has been lost, or the magician does not know how to destroyit reflects a new awareness that not all magical practices worked in the sameway, or had the same results.Geoffrey s list also seems to reflect what heknew of real magical practices, because it agrees with other sources thatclaim to be describing real cases of magic.In the 1160s, the theologianMaster Odo told of a case where the magic object was lost and so the couplecould not be cured.³¹ Moreover, in the 1250s the theologians ThomasAquinas and Bonaventure also said that not all impotence spells could belifted, and they claimed that they had learned this from the confessions ofthe magicians themselves.The reference to magic being given in food ordrink also corresponds with magical practices found in other sources.Earlymedieval penitentials contained many references to men being bewitchedby food or drink, and although these were usually designed to stimulate loverather than cause impotence, people may have tried to reduce sexual desirein similar ways.In this instance, the penitentials seem to be reflecting realpractices: in early fourteenth-century Montaillou, Béatrice de Planissolesconfessed to keeping her daughter s first menses to make a love potion whenthe daughter got married.³²In another passage quoted above, Bernard of Montemirat agreed withGeoffrey that some magical practices could cause permanent impotence,but he mentioned a different set of practices to make his point.His refer-ences to hiding magical items in the earth or casting them into fire or waterdo not seem to feature in earlier canon law commentaries, but parallels forthem exist in other sources, such as the lock cast into a well mentioned in theconfession manual of Thomas of Chobham.The Pantegni said that itemsmight be hidden under the door in the couple s house, and the theologianHenry of Ghent agreed in 1280 that people could be bewitched by a tile³¹ See Ch.4, n.51.³² F.W.H.Wasserschleben (ed.), Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle,1851), 153, 180; Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, trans.Barbara Bray (London:Scolar Press, 1978), 32. 124 Canon Law, 1200 1400 placed in a certain place.³³ Thus Geoffrey and Bernard s lists are likely toreflect real magical practices, although neither writer indicated where he hadheard about them.Roffredus of Benevento also listed what seem to be real practices, butthey were designed to cure impotence rather than cause it:The bewitched man should not run to enchanters or diviners, so that they canuse their medicines or incantations.And I have heard that many women do this.They make their bewitched husband hold his trousers on his head for a wholeday and night; or they take a piece of cheese and perforate it with a bore and theygive the husband what they collect from the perforation to eat; or each of themmay take their belts and tie them and put them in the open air overnight; or theymake the poor man stand naked all night under a stole when the weather is fair,or similar things.³tInstead of these practices, Roffredus told couples to follow the advice ofSi per sortiarias and go to confession, pray, give alms, and fast.I have foundno parallels for these cures in contemporary written sources, but several ofthem appear in later folklore.The trousers-on-head cure was not quite asridiculous as it sounds, since in later folklore wearing clothing inside outwas a common way of curing illness, on the principle that inverting thenormal way of doing things would produce a special effect.³u Piercing thecheese has an obvious phallic symbolism, as do many protective measuresagainst the evil eye.³v The use of the cheese may also be linked to long-standing associations in folklore between cheese, fertility, and protection³³ Pantegni: see Appendix 1.Henry of Ghent: see Ch.8, n.52.³t non currat maleficiatus ad incantatores seu divinatores ut faciant medicinas suas siveincantationes.Et audivi multas sic facientes, que faciunt illum maritellum sic maleficiatumtenere serabulas suas per totam diem et noctem in capite; vel habent peciam casei et cumterebello [edition: trebello] perforant caseum et quod colligitur ex illa perforatura dant sibicomedere; vel accipiunt corrigiam utriusque et ligant illos et ponunt in nocte sub divo; velfaciunt illum miserum stare nudum tota nocte sub stola [edition: stella] aliqua quandotempus est serenum; vel faciunt similia. Roffredus Beneventanus, Libelli Iuris Canonici(Avignon, 1500), repr.in Corpus Glossatorum Juris Civilis 6 (Turin: Ex OfficinaErasmiana, 1968), 352; trebello corrected to terebello and stella to stola frommanuscripts Troyes, Bibliothèque Municipale 456, 91v and BN MS lat.4248, 9v.³u Stephen Wilson, The Magical Universe: Everyday Ritual and Magic in Pre-ModernEurope (London: Hambledon Press, 2000), 347.³v Alan Dundes, Wet and Dry, the Evil Eye: an Essay in Indo-European and SemiticWorld-View , in Alan Dundes (ed.), The Evil Eye: a Casebook (New York: Garland,1981), 264 [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]