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.In particular, and through the patronage of the his-torian Henri Martin, he became a member of the Anthropological Societyof Paris when that society was dominated by Paul Broca.47 This associa-tion arguably puts the scepticism about Darwinism expressed by Sigersonin his 1894 article, Genesis and evolution , into a broader context thanthat in which the article was presented at the time of its publication.Appearing where the latter did, in the first issue of the New Ireland Review,a UCD journal produced under Jesuit patronage and represented inthe editorial preface as an excellent specimen of the Catholic scientistscontroversy ,48 the article can be seen as an antecedent of the 1902 attack James McGeachie 121on Darwin s The Descent of Man, by Sigerson s colleague, the physio-logist and later President of UCD, Denis Coffey,49 and as part of a widerlate nineteenth-century Catholic critique of Darwin.50 Given Sigerson sconnection with Broca and the Parisian anthropologists, however, thearticle may have owed as much to the relative indifference to Darwinian,as opposed to Lamarckian transformisme, characteristic of most Frenchscientists and intellectuals of the period, as it did to any specificallyCatholic agenda.51Sigerson s Parisian connections and reputation underscored hisscientific and medical integrity on a European level.Nevertheless, despitethis and the eminence he gained as Charcot s translator, Sigerson neverobtained a Dublin hospital appointment.This is the more remarkablegiven the close connections between the Catholic University School ofMedicine, St Vincent s, Jervis Street, and the Mater, since no sectarianfactors could have operated against the Catholic Sigerson in these institu-tions.Suspicions aroused by his nationalist politics, however, may havebeen a factor.52 A hospital appointment was generally a prerequisite foradmission to the medical elite.This was certainly the case in Londonearlier in the century as the professional frustrations suffered by theEnglish neurologist Marshall Hall illustrate.53 It may have been the casethat medical Dublin between the 1860s and the 1880s was as unsym-pathetic towards medical specialisms as London had been in the case ofHall, although the success of Sir William Wilde s career as a specialist indiseases of the eye and ear in Dublin between the 1840s and the early1870s suggests otherwise.54The lack of a hospital appointment notwithstanding, however, Sige-rson s 1877 relocation to 3 Clare Street, close to the centre of medicalDublin in Merrion Square, where William Stokes and Sirs Dominic Cor-rigan and William Wilde, the medical luminaries of mid-Victorian Dublin,had resided and practised, does suggest that if only by proximity Sigersonhad become part of the medical establishment.55 Medical practice wasindeed his main source of income, in effect bankrolling his multifariousother activities.56 Teaching appointments at the Catholic University inthe decades immediately following its establishment in 1854 were notor-iously badly paid.The path to a properly endowed scientific career, likethat to a hospital appointment, may also have been obstructed by hispolitical and literary associations, but it must have been precisely thoseassociations that fed and made fashionable his growing practice. Dr Sigerson seems to have quickly become the practitioner of choicefor haute nationalist Dublin.His patients included Charles Kickham, atwhose deathbed Sigerson was in attendance, Maud Gonne, over whose 122 Science, Politics and the Irish Literary Revivaltreatment he and W.B.Yeats disagreed vigorously, and John Dillon.57 Old Sigerson , as James Joyce called him58 when recommending a con-sultation to Nora, whose patients were sometimes so numerous thatthey overflowed into the hall outside the ground-floor consultingrooms, in which he wrote prescriptions with the paper balanced on thepalm of his hand and held Sunday dinners where medical, politicaland literary Dublin overlapped, was part of the very fabric of the latenineteenth and early twentieth-century city.59 It is unfortunate thatunlike Sir Dominic Corrigan, Sigerson s casebooks do not seem to havesurvived.60In his first two decades in Dublin, Sigerson seems to have hoveredpolitically between, on the one hand, the constitutional or Grattannationalism of The O Donoghue and Sullivan and, on the other, therepublicanism of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and theFenians.61 He became a prolific contributor of political polemics tosuch publications as The Irish People, the journalistic mouthpiece of theIRB, The Harp, The Shamrock and The Irishman.According to Hyde,Sigerson contributed most of the leading articles for the latter duringthe period preceding the editorship of the enigmatic Richard Pigott.62Sigerson s 1867 Irishman editorial The holocaust , made a coruscatingcriticism of the executions of Allen, Larkin and O Brien, and actuallyled to the imprisonment of Pigott as the journal s proprietor.63 BrianÓ Cuiv has described Sigerson as an early proponent of policiesthat would be promulgated by Sinn Féin in the mid-1900s.Ó Cuivattributes to Sigerson an 1868 editorial in The Irishman anticipat-ing Arthur Griffith s abstentionist policy by nearly forty years , point-ing to the futility of Irish representatives going to Westminster ,and advocating the adoption of the tactics pursued so success-fully against Austria by the Hungarians in achieving dual-monarchystatus with Austria after 1866.64 Here, as in numerous other respects,Sigerson s advocacy of abstentionism followed the earlier lead of YoungIreland.During this period Sigerson was also writing anonymously for Englishjournals, contributing articles on the misgovernment of Ireland and whathe presented as the valid reasons for the existence of the Fenian move-ment to The Chronicle.With Sigerson using the pseudonym An Ulster-man , these were later published in book-form as Modern Ireland (1868).65When the book went to a second edition in 1869, Sigerson used his ownname [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.In particular, and through the patronage of the his-torian Henri Martin, he became a member of the Anthropological Societyof Paris when that society was dominated by Paul Broca.47 This associa-tion arguably puts the scepticism about Darwinism expressed by Sigersonin his 1894 article, Genesis and evolution , into a broader context thanthat in which the article was presented at the time of its publication.Appearing where the latter did, in the first issue of the New Ireland Review,a UCD journal produced under Jesuit patronage and represented inthe editorial preface as an excellent specimen of the Catholic scientistscontroversy ,48 the article can be seen as an antecedent of the 1902 attack James McGeachie 121on Darwin s The Descent of Man, by Sigerson s colleague, the physio-logist and later President of UCD, Denis Coffey,49 and as part of a widerlate nineteenth-century Catholic critique of Darwin.50 Given Sigerson sconnection with Broca and the Parisian anthropologists, however, thearticle may have owed as much to the relative indifference to Darwinian,as opposed to Lamarckian transformisme, characteristic of most Frenchscientists and intellectuals of the period, as it did to any specificallyCatholic agenda.51Sigerson s Parisian connections and reputation underscored hisscientific and medical integrity on a European level.Nevertheless, despitethis and the eminence he gained as Charcot s translator, Sigerson neverobtained a Dublin hospital appointment.This is the more remarkablegiven the close connections between the Catholic University School ofMedicine, St Vincent s, Jervis Street, and the Mater, since no sectarianfactors could have operated against the Catholic Sigerson in these institu-tions.Suspicions aroused by his nationalist politics, however, may havebeen a factor.52 A hospital appointment was generally a prerequisite foradmission to the medical elite.This was certainly the case in Londonearlier in the century as the professional frustrations suffered by theEnglish neurologist Marshall Hall illustrate.53 It may have been the casethat medical Dublin between the 1860s and the 1880s was as unsym-pathetic towards medical specialisms as London had been in the case ofHall, although the success of Sir William Wilde s career as a specialist indiseases of the eye and ear in Dublin between the 1840s and the early1870s suggests otherwise.54The lack of a hospital appointment notwithstanding, however, Sige-rson s 1877 relocation to 3 Clare Street, close to the centre of medicalDublin in Merrion Square, where William Stokes and Sirs Dominic Cor-rigan and William Wilde, the medical luminaries of mid-Victorian Dublin,had resided and practised, does suggest that if only by proximity Sigersonhad become part of the medical establishment.55 Medical practice wasindeed his main source of income, in effect bankrolling his multifariousother activities.56 Teaching appointments at the Catholic University inthe decades immediately following its establishment in 1854 were notor-iously badly paid.The path to a properly endowed scientific career, likethat to a hospital appointment, may also have been obstructed by hispolitical and literary associations, but it must have been precisely thoseassociations that fed and made fashionable his growing practice. Dr Sigerson seems to have quickly become the practitioner of choicefor haute nationalist Dublin.His patients included Charles Kickham, atwhose deathbed Sigerson was in attendance, Maud Gonne, over whose 122 Science, Politics and the Irish Literary Revivaltreatment he and W.B.Yeats disagreed vigorously, and John Dillon.57 Old Sigerson , as James Joyce called him58 when recommending a con-sultation to Nora, whose patients were sometimes so numerous thatthey overflowed into the hall outside the ground-floor consultingrooms, in which he wrote prescriptions with the paper balanced on thepalm of his hand and held Sunday dinners where medical, politicaland literary Dublin overlapped, was part of the very fabric of the latenineteenth and early twentieth-century city.59 It is unfortunate thatunlike Sir Dominic Corrigan, Sigerson s casebooks do not seem to havesurvived.60In his first two decades in Dublin, Sigerson seems to have hoveredpolitically between, on the one hand, the constitutional or Grattannationalism of The O Donoghue and Sullivan and, on the other, therepublicanism of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and theFenians.61 He became a prolific contributor of political polemics tosuch publications as The Irish People, the journalistic mouthpiece of theIRB, The Harp, The Shamrock and The Irishman.According to Hyde,Sigerson contributed most of the leading articles for the latter duringthe period preceding the editorship of the enigmatic Richard Pigott.62Sigerson s 1867 Irishman editorial The holocaust , made a coruscatingcriticism of the executions of Allen, Larkin and O Brien, and actuallyled to the imprisonment of Pigott as the journal s proprietor.63 BrianÓ Cuiv has described Sigerson as an early proponent of policiesthat would be promulgated by Sinn Féin in the mid-1900s.Ó Cuivattributes to Sigerson an 1868 editorial in The Irishman anticipat-ing Arthur Griffith s abstentionist policy by nearly forty years , point-ing to the futility of Irish representatives going to Westminster ,and advocating the adoption of the tactics pursued so success-fully against Austria by the Hungarians in achieving dual-monarchystatus with Austria after 1866.64 Here, as in numerous other respects,Sigerson s advocacy of abstentionism followed the earlier lead of YoungIreland.During this period Sigerson was also writing anonymously for Englishjournals, contributing articles on the misgovernment of Ireland and whathe presented as the valid reasons for the existence of the Fenian move-ment to The Chronicle.With Sigerson using the pseudonym An Ulster-man , these were later published in book-form as Modern Ireland (1868).65When the book went to a second edition in 1869, Sigerson used his ownname [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]